The Royal College of Physicians, Warwick Lane, Faringdon Within (Part 1) - The Statues of Charles II and Sir John Cutler.

The Statues of Charles II.

and Sir John Cutler (1607 - 93).

Formerly on Physicians Hall, Warwick Lane, 
The Ward of Faringdon Within.

City of London.

Here attributed to Arnold Quellin (1653 - 1686)

(Artus Quellinus).

Some preparatory notes on the statues and their original positions and
on the building of the Physicians Hall in Warwick Lane.
Warwick Lane, Newgate Market and its environs.

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Charles II.

Portland Stone.

Currently in the Guild Hall, City of London.

Originally in opposing niches on Physicians Hall, Warwick Lane designed by Robert Hooke.


Biographical Dictionary of Sculptors..... Yale 2009 notes 1683 a payment by the Physicians to Quellin of £80 16s and the same amount for the statue of Sir John Cutler.

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Sir John Cutler (1607 - 93).

Now remembered chiefly for his miserliness, celebrated in the work of Alexander Pope (Catholic) Epistle to Bathurst in his Moral Essays, which might be apocryphal! Certainly his executors attempted to obtain £7,000 from the Royal College of Physicians but finally settled for £2,000.



Biographical Dictionary of Sculptors..... Yale 2009 notes 1683 a payment by the Physicians to Quellin of £80 16s and the same amount for the statue of Charles II.

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Statue of Sir John Cutler.

This is very obviously not an image of the statue from the Royal College of Physicians as it is described on their website.

Perhaps that from the Grocers Company Hall  They also fail to say what medium was used.
Perhaps a mezzotint?

Image From Collage - London Metropolitan Archive and Guildhall Library.

This another of those infuriating websites giving fairly useless low resolution images designed to make you spend money on an high resolution images.

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Another Statue of Sir John Cutler was (is?) in The Grocers Company Hall in The Poultry, City of London. The roof and much woodwork in Grocers Hall was badly damaged in the Great Fire of 1666.

Cutler was responsible for paying for the rebuilding of the Parlour and Dining Room, commemorated by his statue and portrait. 

Biographical Dictionary of Sculptors..... Yale 2009 notes a payment by the Grocers to Quellin of £83 and states that it is in the vestibule. (this needs to be confirmed).

Thomas Pennant in Some Account of London notes the statue at Grocers Hall in 1813 - his description suggests that it is very similar to Quellin's  Physicians version. 

Grocers Hall was rebuilt between 1798 and 1802. This statue was brought indoors and restored after spending time in the garden in 1827. The Hall was rebuilt for the fourth time in 1893.

The present Hall is a replacement 1970 after a disastrous fire in 1965.

see - http://www.british-history.ac.uk/livery-companies-commission/vol1/pp267-275

Sir John Cutler.

Photograph after a Watercolour by John Day.
Original source unknown.
 from the original Portrait at Grocers Hall.

Wellcome Collection.

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Sir John Cutler (c.1608 - 93).

Offices Held -

Freeman, Grocers’ Co. 1633, asst. 1632–d., warden of the bachelors of the Company, 1640–1, livery, 1649, master, 1652–3, 1685–6, 1688–9, deputy -master, 1691–2; 

Alderman, London 2–5 Aug. 1651, common councilman 1654–5, 1658–9, 1661–2; jt. receiver-gen. Notts. and Derbys. Dec. 1660–75; receiver contributions for rebuilding St. Paul’s; sheriff, Kent 1675–6; commr. for recusants, Mdx. 1675

Sir John Cutler was a wealthy merchant of London, whose avarice, handed down by tradition and anecdote and satirized by Alexander Pope, in his moral essay - On the Use of Riches, he was the son of Thomas Cutler, a member of the Grocers' Company, and was born in or about 1608. Sir John was four times master of the Grocers Company.

Though little scrupulous in his business dealings, he appears to have been ‘one of those contradictory but by no means rare characters who with habits of petty personal parsimony combine large benevolence and public spirit.’ In 1657, when Lord Strafford was obliged to part with his estate and manor of Harewood and Gawthorpe in Yorkshire, Cutler, along with Sir John Lewys, bart., became a joint purchaser, and soon afterwards the sole possessor. He chose to reside for a while at Gawthorpe Hall, where, tradition says, he lived in miserly seclusion. He would seem, however, to have had his difficulties, for on the few occasions of his venturing abroad he was laid in wait for, and once nearly seized by the well-known freebooter John Nevison. His narrow escape, and the fact of his enormous wealth having attracted Nevison to the neighbourhood, induced him to quit the hall and take a cottage in the village, where, attended by his servant, a man of similar habits to his own, he lived secure from the dread of attack. 

At the approach of the Restoration Cutler took an active part in promoting the subscriptions raised by the city of London for the use of Charles II. His services were duly appreciated by the king, who created him a knight on 17 June 1660, and a baronet on the following 9 Nov. His election to the treasurership of St. Paul's in April 1663 proved very unpopular, for, as his acquaintance and admirer Pepys tells us, ‘it seems he did give 1,500l. upon condition that he might be treasurer for the work, which, they say, will be worth three times as much money, and talk as if his being chosen to the office will make people backward to give.’ 

In June 1664, having founded a lectureship on mechanics at Gresham College with a salary of £50. a year, he settled it upon Dr. Robert Hooke for life, the president, council, and fellows of the Royal Society being entrusted to appoint both the subject and the number of lectures. The society thereupon elected him an honorary fellow on 9 Nov. 

An influential member of the Grocers' Company for many years, Cutler on 6 Feb. 1668 intimated to the court through Mr. Warden Edwards his intention of rebuilding at his own expense the parlour and dining-room, which had been destroyed in the great fire. As the company was at this time suffering the greatest inconvenience, arising from its inability to discharge the debts contracted under its seal for the service of the government and the city in 1640, 1641, and 1643, he suggested at the same time, as a measure of precaution, that the ground should be conveyed to him under a peppercorn rent for securing it when built on against extent or seizure. This proposal met with the company's approbation, and an indenture of sale and demise of the grounds and buildings about the hall was made to Cutler and sixteen other members who had contributed and subscribed 20l. and upwards, according to the direction of the committee, for five hundred years at a peppercorn rent. Upon the completion of the work a cordial vote of thanks to Cutler was passed in January 1669, when it was resolved that his statue and picture should be placed in the upper and lower rooms of his buildings, ‘to remain as a lasting monument of his unexampled kindness.’ The restoration of the hall, towards which Cutler again contributed liberally, was not finished until Michaelmas 1681. Seven years later an inscription recounting Cutler's benefactions was placed in the hall, wherein it is stated that having been fined for sheriff and alderman some forty years previously, he was chosen master warden of the company in 1652–3, and again in 1685–6; was assistant and locum tenens to the master warden (Sir Thomas Chicheley) in 1686–7; and in 1688, at a period when all the members shrank from the charge, as one involving risk and responsibility besides a great loss of time, he consented to be elected master warden for the fourth time. 

To the College of Physicians he also proved a liberal friend. On 13 May 1674 it was announced at a college meeting by Dr. Whistler that Cutler had it in contemplation to erect an anatomical theatre in the college at his own sole charge. In compliance with his wish this noble addition, which was opened on 21 Jan. 1678–9, was placed on the east and abutting on Warwick Lane. The whole of this, the eastern side of the college, was erected at Cutler's expense, and the theatre itself was named after him the Cutlerian Theatre, and bore on its front towards Warwick Lane, in bold letters, its title ‘Theatrum Cutlerianum.’ In a niche on the outside of the building, and looking west into the courtyard, was a full-length statue of Cutler, placed there in obedience to a vote of the college on 8 Oct. 1680 (Munk, Coll. of Phys. 1878, iii. p. 328). 

Pennant, however, asserts, on the authority of Dr. Richard Warren, that in 1699 Cutler's executors made a demand on the college of 7,000l., which sum was supposed to include the money actually lent, the money pretended to be given but set down as a debt in Cutler's books, and the interest on both. The executors were prevailed on to accept 2,000l. from the college, and remitted the other five.

The college afterwards obliterated the inscription which in the warmth of its gratitude it had placed beneath the figure, ‘Omnis Cutleri cedat labor Amphitheatro’ (Pennant, Some Account of London, 3rd edit. pp. 372–3). 

One of his last acts was to rebuild in 1682 the north gallery in the church of St. Margaret, Westminster, his own parish, for the benefit of the poor. He also gave an annual sum of £37. to the parish for their relief. 

He was M.P. for Bodmin from 1689 till his death. After a long illness Cutler died on 15 April 1693, aged 85, worth 300,000l. according to Luttrell. He was buried at St. Margaret's, Westminster, and although he himself desired ‘to be buryed without any sort of pompe,’ the almost incredible sum of £7,666 is said to have been expended on his funeral. 

His will is not wanting in philanthropy. By his first wife, Elicia, daughter of Sir Thomas Tipping, knt., of Wheatfield, Oxfordshire (marriage license dated 26 July 1669), he had an only daughter Elizabeth, who married Charles Bodville Robartes, Earl of Radnor, and died issueless on 13 Jan. 1696. She had married without her father's consent, but two days before his death he sent for her and her husband and ‘told them he freely forgave them and had settled his estate to their satisfaction.’ 

He married secondly Elizabeth, daughter and coheiress of Sir Thomas Foote, lord mayor of London in 1650, and one of Cromwell's knights. The only child of this marriage, a daughter named also Elizabeth, became the wife of Sir William Portman, bart., K.B., of Orchard, Somersetshire, and brought him a fortune of 30,000l. She died before her father, leaving no children. 

The portrait of Cutler at Grocers' Hall is that of a good-looking man in a black wig. Arbuthnot's anecdote of his stockings is well known: ‘Sir John Cutler had a pair of black worsted stockings which his maid darned so often with silk that they become at last a pair of silk stockings.’ 

Wycherley, his contemporary and possibly his debtor, has addressed a copy of verses to him, called ‘The Praise of Avarice.’

[Heath's Some Account of the Company of Grocers, 2nd edit. pp. 24–5, 29, 134, 298–307; 

Le Neve's Pedigrees of Knights, Harl. Soc. viii. 75; Burke's Extinct Baronetage, p. 147; Pope's Works (Elwin and Courthope), iii. 154; 

Monk's Coll. of Phys. (1878), i. 250–1, iii. 328; 

Pennant's Some Account of London, 3rd edit. pp. 372–3, 441–2; 

Brayley's Londiniana, iv. 138; 

Ward's Lives of the Professors of Gresham College, i. 174; 

Birch's Hist. of the Royal Society, i. 484–5; 

Boyle's Works, v. 322; 

Jones's Hist. of Harewood, pp. 61, 66, 149, 150, 200, 270–79; 

Notes and Queries, 3rd ser. ii. 16; 

Lysons's Magna Britannia, Cambridgeshire, vol. ii. pt. i. pp. 286–7; 

Stow's Survey (Strype), vol. i. bk. i. p. 289; 

Brayley and Britton's Beauties of England and Wales, vol. x. pt. iii. p. 416; 

Pepys's Diary (Bright), ii. 132, 162, 349, 388; 

Evelyn's Diary (1850–2), i. 331, ii. 69, 73; Thoresby's Diary, i. 233, 300; 

Luttrell's Relation of State Affairs (1857), ii. 608, iii. 23, 76, 78, 81, 87, 94, 125, 126; 

Will reg. in P. C. C. 42, 

Coker; Cal. State Papers (Dom. 1660–1), p. 429, (Dom. 1663–4), p. 115; Lysons's Environs, iii. 454, iv. 257, 371, 388; 

Wycherley's Posthumous Works (1728), pt. ii. pp. 200–6; 

Chester's London Marriage Licenses, ed. Foster, 369; Household Words, xii. 427–9.]

This essay shamelessly lifted and adapted slightly from Dictionary of National Biography 1885 - 1900.

For another view of Sir John Cutler parliamentarian see - 

http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1690-1715/member/cutler-sir-john-1607-93

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Cutler and Wimpole Hall, Cambridge.

Thomas Chicheley, who was responsible for the "new" house that was completed in 1650. He enjoyed the house for 36 years until, weighed down by financial problems, he was forced to sell to Sir John Cutler. In 1689, Sir John gave it as a marriage settlement to his daughter Elizabeth and her husband Charles Robartes, 2nd Earl of Radnor. 

On the death of Elizabeth in 1697, without an heir, the estate passed to Edmund Boulter, nephew of Sir John Cutler. In 1710 it was in the possession of John Holles, 1st Duke of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, who left it to his daughter Lady Henrietta Cavendish Holles upon his death the following year. 

Upon Henrietta's marriage, in 1713, it became the possession of her husband Edward Harley, 2nd Earl of Oxford and Earl Mortimer. In 1740, Edward sold Wimpole to the Earl of Hardwicke, to pay his debts. The Earls of Hardwicke held it until it passed into the hands of Thomas Agar-Robartes, 6th Viscount Clifden, and then his son, Francis Agar-Robartes, 7th Viscount Clifden.

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The Silk Stockings - 

Sir John Cutler had a pair of black worsted stockings, which his maid darned so often with silk that they became at last a pair of silk stockings. Now supposing those stockings of Sir John's endued with some degree or consciousness at every particular darning, they would have been sensible that they were the same individual pair of stockings both before and after the darning; and this sensation would have continued in them through all the succession of darnings; and yet, after the last of all, there was not perhaps one thread left of the first pair of stockings, but they were grown to be silk stockings, as was said before.

see - http://metaphors.iath.virginia.edu/metaphors/12378

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Artus Quellinus (1653 - 86).

Artus Quellin was known as Arnold only whilst in England. His career in this country spanned eight years, during which he worked both independently and in partnership with Grinling Gibbons. Quellin is now known to have had a major hand in the commissions in stone executed by Gibbons in the years 1681-83 and 1686.

He was baptised in Antwerp on 13 September 1653, the first of eight children of Artus Quellin II (1625-1700), a distinguished Antwerp sculptor, and Anna Maria, neé Gabron. He was the great-nephew of Artus Quellin I (1609-68), the classicising sculptor responsible for much work at Amsterdam Town Hall. Quellin trained in his father’s workshop, which specialised in church furnishings in stone, marble and oak carved in a decorative baroque style, which were sent out to religious institutions throughout the Spanish Netherlands and also to Denmark.

His younger brother Thomas Quellin also became a sculptor and worked briefly in England before settling in Copenhagen.

Arnold, who was described by George Vertue as ‘A tall well shaped man [who] wore his own hair’ (Vertue III, 35) married Frances, the daughter of Jan Siberechts of Antwerp, the topographical painter, who was in England some time after 1672 and may have encouraged Quellin to join him.

The first record of Quellin’s presence in England appears in a licence granted on 16 November 1678 to the stone-carver John Vanderstaine, who was permitted to work under Hugh May, the architect at Windsor Castle, and ‘to remaine here with out molestation together with John Oastes [John Nost I] and Arnold Luellan [Quellin] his servants’ (PRO Domestic Entry Book, Car II, vol LI, 77, quoted in Gunnis 1968, 407).

I will be writing on Vanderstaine shortly in this or my other blog with relation to statues at Queens College, Oxford

A few months later, on 21 May 1679, the privy council issued another permit granting certain painters and other craftsmen employed at Windsor Castle the right to move freely in London and Westminster. These included Laurens Vandermeulen, Anthony Verhuke and Quellin, all described as ‘servants’ of Grinling Gibbons. Gibbons’s commission at Windsor included an equestrian statue of Charles II on a marble pedestal. Quellin is likely to have carved the relief panels for the pedestal, to designs by Gibbons. The complex composition of martial trophies, musical instruments, crustacea and fruit is carved with a delicacy associated with fruitwood carving, yet here finely realised in a much less tractable material. Gibbons charged £400 for the four panels in 1680 and included charges for a sundial pedestal, probably also Quellin’s work, in the same invoice.

In about 1679 Gibbons accepted his first commission for a church monument and several others followed in 1680. There was a perennial demand for memorials and Gibbons evidently decided to broaden his practice by including work in this field, though it required knowledge of carving materials of which he had limited experience. He turned to Quellin and in 1681 he and Quellin entered a partnership ‘for the undertaking & p’forming of all sort of Carvers works in Stone, joyntly to be undertaken between them’ (Chancery document, Gibbons-Quellin partnership, 25 Oct 1683, PRO C9/415/250; quoted by Beard 1989 (1), 52-3). The two partners were to take equal responsibility for meeting the costs of marbles and stone and to share equally in any losses they might incur. Each would have 7/- a day while either or both of them were working on a contract.

Their most innovative collaborative monument, at Tamworth, Staffs, c1681, commemorates John Ferrers and his son, Sir Humphrey, who had drowned in 1678 (1). The precise role played by each sculptor in the commission is unclear, but Beard’s suggestion that it was designed by Gibbons, and largely or entirely executed by Quellin, carries conviction. The life-sized effigies crouching at either side of the inscription tablet are tense, twisting figures with characterful faces, framed by sumptuous wigs. Above them is a gadrooned sarcophagus, draped with garlands held by cherubs.

The contract for a monument to Archbishop Richard Sterne in York Minster followed about two years later (8). The effigy reclines in a framed recess with looped curtains, his head on one hand. There was a 17th-century precedent for the anachronistic composition in York Minster, the monument to Archbishop Hutton. The deep folds of Sterne’s gown and the band of lace across his chest are delicately rendered and point to Quellin’s hand.

Quellin also took on independent commissions in the early 1680s, for Vertue writes that he ‘made several great & valuable workes. besides Esqr.Thinns Monument Westminster’ (Vertue IV, 35). The monument to Thomas Thynne (4), another tour-de-force, was celebrated in early Westminster Abbey guide books, both for its sensational narrative content and for its crisp execution. Thynne’s semi-draped reclining figure is posed above a pedestal carved with a relief scene of his murder in the London thoroughfare of Pall Mall. A cherub at Thynne’s feet points up to an inscribed reference to the event on a richly draped tablet behind the effigy. James Ralph, a prominent Opposition journalist usually given to acerbic comments, praised the ‘languid dying posture’ of the effigy, ‘the inimitable boy at his feet’, and ‘the execution …equal to the design’ (Ralph 1734, 74-5). The monument evidently pleased the Thynne family for a letter from Quellin to Lord Weymouth and an account book entry in the Thynne archives, both dated October 1685, refer to a later monument for a family member (9). It is possible that the sculptor also provided parapet statues of Boadicea, Alexander the Great, Queen Zenobia and King Henry V for the south front of Longleat.

Gibbons ended his partnership with Quellin acrimoniously in May 1683, and on 25 October he laid his case before the court of chancery, claiming that Quellin had failed to abide by his contractual obligations. A sum of £250 had been owing to the partners since December 1682 and Gibbons maintained that Quellin had collected ‘several great sumes’ of that debt but failed to pass on Gibbons’s share. Furthermore Gibbons had recently been obliged to lay out £220 on marbles, stone and other essentials and Quellin had advanced very little of his agreed half share. Quellin had also proved unreliable in his work, ‘neglecting the p’formance & fineshing’ of contracts. (PRO C9/415/250: Beard 1989 (1), 52-3). The case seems not to have proceeded but the two sculptors went their separate ways.

Quellin’s reputation cannot have been much harmed for he continued to find work without apparent difficulty in the City of London, where there was a considerable demand for statues on new buildings springing up after the Great Fire. 

His first City associations date from 1682, when he carved a marble statue of Sir John Cutler (10), a generous benefactor and several times master of the Grocers’ Company, for the parlour of their hall. Cutler’s livery company robes, lined in fur and worn over a deep lace collar and buttoned doublet, gave Quellin the opportunity to show his virtuoso skills.

A second philanthropic gesture on Cutler’s part, the gift of an anatomical theatre for the new College of Physicians, led the College to order commemorative statues in Portland stone of Cutler and the king from Quellin for niches on the external front of the Theatrum Cutlerianum (11, 12). Cutler is again depicted with assurance in his company robes. The companion statue of Charles II is a less convincing portrait: the king wears a full wig, Roman cuirass and medieval breeches and has an unconvincing contraposto pose.

One of the most extensive City projects involving sculptors in the 1680s was the new Royal Exchange. In 1683-84, shortly after severing his partnership with Quellin, Gibbons provided a stone statue of Charles II, sponsored by the Merchant Adventurers, for the centre of the piazza. Contemporary commentators voiced no doubt over its authorship, but Vertue, writing 50 years later, alleged that this royal statue was ‘actually the worke of Quelline’ (Vertue IV, 52-53). The statue has been destroyed and no documentation survives but its date makes Quellin’s involvement unlikely. A mayoral precept issued on 11 November 1684 urged the City livery companies each to sponsor a statue for the line of kings, to be sited in niches at first floor level in the piazza of the Exchange. The kings were to be represented ‘in proper habits’ and to be as close as possible in design to their predecessors on the first Exchange, destroyed in 1666 (CLRO, Court of Alderman, Repertory 90, fol 15b). Despite the stricture, London’s leading sculptors John Bushnell, Caius Gabriel Cibber, Edward Pearce, Gibbons and Quellin were all prepared to be involved in the project.

 Quellin won the largest number of contracts, providing six of the first 14 in the space of two years (13-18). The Tallow-Chandlers considered commissioning from Pearce, Bushnell and Cibber, before fixing on Quellin for the statue of Henry VII (14) and the statue of Edward IV (13), the Ironmongers’ gift, was subcontracted to Quellin by Thomas Cartwright I, the contracting mason for the Exchange.

 The Grocers’ Company, with whom Quellin already had associations, turned to him for their image of Charles II in garter robes (16). The terracotta model for this statue survives in the Soane Museum and is considered ‘one of the best [portraits] …of the King’s last years’ (Gibson 1997 (2),161).

Terracotta Bust of Charles II.

Victoria and Albert Museum.



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Charles II.

Quellin?

Wearing the Robes of the Order of the Garter.

Statuette in Terracotta.

This is the model for a statue that was erected on the Royal Exchange in the City of London, commissioned in 1684 by The Grocers' Company. The finished statue, for which Quellin was paid £60 in December 1685, was destroyed by the fire at the Royal Exchange in 1838. 

Soane bought this statuette at the Richard Cosway Sale of May 1821 for £2. 4s

 Soane Museum

© Sir John Soane's Museum.

In December 1685 Quellin signed a contract which shows his workshop was also making lead figures. The Earl of Strathmore ordered four statues of Stuart monarchs for Glamis Castle, cast in ‘hardened’ lead and painted to resemble ‘brass’ (19). The precise garb and height of each was clearly specified. The revealing part of the contract follows. Strathmore also required a portrait bust of himself, ‘in Clay to the Life’, which was to be cast in lead (22). Its dimensions were to be similar to those of a marble statue of Charles II, then in Quellin’s house. This mention of a clay model for the bust makes it clear that it was a bespoke item, but since there is no reference to models for the statues, they were probably stock figures for which Quellin already had moulds. 

George Vertue notes that John Nost I was Quellin’s foreman and since Nost was to become a leading purveyor of lead figures after Quellin’s death, the inference is that garden figures were in production and Nost was either superintending their manufacture and/or learning casting techniques. Lead figure making had the potential to be a lucrative sideline for Quellin: he was able to charge £160 for the Glamis contract, but only earned between £38 and £57 for his time-consuming work on each of the stone Exchange figures. 

Some time between 1683 and his death three years later, Quellin moved from a house in the parish of St Martin-in-the-Fields to an ‘old great house in Tower Street, parish of St. Giles’s, near (where is now) the Seaven dyals’ (Vertue IV, 35). The business in lead multiples may well have provided the means to this improved standard of living.

Quellin and Gibbons came together briefly in 1686 for Quellin’s most demanding commission, the altarpiece for the Roman Catholic chapel ordered by James II for the Palace of Whitehall (23). Wren provided the design for a large architectural edifice of several stages framing a painting by Benedetto Gennari. On the upper cornice was a central glory, flanked by four life-sized biblical figures, a pair of cherubs and two life-sized angels. The contract, signed by Gibbons and Quellin, allowed only five and a half months for the work, but it made allowance for 50 or so marblers, sculptors, sawyers, polishers and labourers working under the partners’ control (PRO Works 5/145, fols 184-5). Quellin must have had a major hand in the figures on the upper cornice, particularly the graceful kneeling angels, who twist inwards, looking down towards the altar. The work survived the Whitehall fire of 1694, but was dismantled a year later. The elements were eventually dispersed.

Quellin fell ill before the altarpiece was complete. He made his will on 3 September 1686, but was already so weak that he signed the document with a mark. He left all his leases, goods and chattels, including several figures to his wife, Frances, who carried on the business and acknowleged the final payment for the Glamis commission. 

She married Quellin’s foreman, John Nost I, and after his death in 1710, went into business with a cousin, Mary Macadam (or Maradam), to whom she left her share of the stock-in-trade. Frances was then in a position to leave bequests totalling over £2,000 to her relatives. Her marble goods and figures housed by her second husband’s cousin, John Nost II, were left to him.

Quellin was a fluent and inventive stone-carver, he had City patrons and he was exploring the new market for lead figures at the time of his death. The success of his workshop must have seemed assured.

Ingrid Roscoe

Literary References:Vertue IV, 35; 

Esdaile and Toynbee 1958, 34-43; 

Gunnis 1968, 313; 

Apted 1984, 53-8 (repr); 

Whinney 1988, 118-29; 

Beard 1989 (1), passim, but esp 51-64, 197; 

Grove 25, 1996, 813 (Kockelbergh); 

Gibson 1997 (2), 154-6, 157, 160, 161, 164, 172; 

Esterly 1998, 45-6,176, 209, 

Bénezit II, 243

Additional MS Sources: Letter from Quellin to 1st Viscount Weymouth refering to a monument at Longbridge Deverill, Wilts, 8 October 1685, Thynne Papers, XXII, fol 247, (quoted by Gunnis 1968, 313 and Beard 1989 (1), 58); payment for a monument at Longbridge Deverill, Thynne Papers, Account Book 176, 78, 28 October 1685 (quoted by Beard 1989 (1), 58)

Wills: Arnold Quellin, PROB 11/384 fol 332; Frances Nost, proved December 1716, PROB 11/555, fols 195v-196v

The above essay lifted almost entirely from -

http://liberty.henry-moore.org/henrymoore/sculptor/browserecord.php?-action=browse&-recid=2204&from_list=true&x=0

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The Royal College of Physicians.

Physicians Hall, Warwick Lane.

For Hooke' career and his work with the Royal College of Physicians see e thesis  - Architectus Ingenio: Robert Hooke, the Early Royal Society, and the Practices of Architecture by Matthew Walker -

http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14136/1/516566.pdf

The College of Physicians was founded in 1518 by Thomas Linacre (1460-1524) physician to Henry

VII and Henry VIII, based on comparable foundations he had seen in Italy. The plan was to ‘rescue

the medical art from the hands of illiterate monks and empirics’ and other ‘common artificers, as

smiths, weavers and women.’ Originally consisting of six physicians, the College operated from

a parlour, council-room and library in Linacre’s own house in Knightrider Street, south of St Paul’s

Cathedral, within the walls of the City of London.

In 1614 the college moved to a house at Amen Corner just northwest of St Paul’s Cathedral. Again,

Amen Corner was a home very much in the sense one understands home today, a freestanding

house on a site by the city wall with a gated entrance and a garden. However, it also contained

more specific uses, such as a chemical laboratory and botanical library, as well as an anatomy

theatre. In 1650, physician and fellow William Harvey31 commissioned Inigo Jones and his assistant

John Webb to build an extension containing a library, a repository for samples and rarities and a

great parlour for the fellows to meet, beneath.

Not much was known about this building, until six of Webb’s drawings were discovered in Worcester

College, Oxford, in 1970. These drawings are beautifully drawn out in ink and wash, describing in

some detail the interior elevations.  

The elevations show panelling and bookcases of fine books complemented by artifacts, portraits and statues, a display of knowledge, education and research.

In September 1666, the original College of Physicians’ home at Amen Corner, by Warwick Lane in the City of London, was completely destroyed on the fourth day of the Great Fire of London. The Physicians were not alone – nearly 80% of the City was destroyed, an area of 373 acres. Along with 13,200 houses and 87 parish churches, St Paul's Cathedral, the Royal Exchange, the Custom House, 52 company halls, three city gates, four stone bridges and Newgate jail all perished.

The College cash and silver were plundered in the Great Plague.

Dr Christopher Merrett the resident fellow managed to save the Insignia the Annals, a carpet and some 100 books, loosing all his possessions in the fire. Later there followed an unseemly argument as to whether he should be paid for acting as custodian, the Physicians said no.  He refused to return the college property and the issue ended up in court - the decision was found against Merrett, he had to return the property and he was expelled. Not their finest hour!

The Amen Corner site belonged to St Pauls Cathedral but after the fire no agreement could be reached and in 1669 a site belonging to Mr Hollier Surgeon Lithotomist of St Bartholemews and St Thomas was purchased for a new Royal College? Matthew Walker says the new College site also belonged to St Pauls.

The actual re-building of the College and its anatomy theatre was overseen by a group of physicians, many of whom had strong links to the Royal Society. Once the Warwick Lane site had been decided upon, the College's comitia appointed a committee to oversee the building works and find an architect for the work. 

Established on 8 February 1670, the committee comprised President Glisson, Clarke, Coxe, Ent,

Scarburgh, Samuel Collins junior, John Micklethwaite, Nathan Paget, Henry Stanley, and William Staines (or Stanes) -  Glisson, Clarke, Coxe, Ent, and Scarburgh were all founding members of the Royal Society whilst the rest of the committee had played no part in the scepticism towards experimental philosophy that had been present in the College in the early 1660s. The committee was instructed `to take care of everything that was necessary for the building of the new house and go to the Royal Surveyor, or any others whom they should chose' and to come to terms with carpenters, masons and others at their discretion'.

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In a College comitia on 22 December 1670 the committee was `authorized to agree with workmen for the building and all things concerning it, and that they intreat Mr. Hook the Surveyor his assistance in it and management of it in such a way as shall bee agreed upon by the said committee'. The College then voted a payment of twenty guineas for Hooke's 'care and pains'. The nature of Cutler's benefaction is difficult to establish, particularly given the fact that - unbeknown to the College -

he may have envisaged it as a loan rather than an outright act of patronage. 

The College's accounts list the total given by Cutler as £1700, in five instalments from 1675 to 1680; R. C. P. 2077,35-66. However, Hooke also recorded a number of instances when Cutler paid workmen directly without the money passing through the College as well as signing contracts for the work; 28 August 1675; Diary:177; 6 February 1676; Diary: 216; 30 May 1676; Diary: 234. 

It seems therefore that the College handled Cutler's benefaction with a certain degree of informality. This may not have been the best approach, for after Cutler's death in 1693 the nature of his gift became the subject of much controversy and embarrassment to the College. 

Cutler's executors claimed that the merchant had recorded the entire benefaction as a loan in his papers; ODNB, 14: 843; Elmes, 1823: 452; Espinasse, 1956: 89. They subsequently demanded £7000 from the College who, after much deliberation, managed to bring the demands down to £2000. Where the sum of £7000 came from is unclear, as the bond made between Cutler and the College on 2 January 1680 was for £1700, exactly the amount the College treasurer recorded in his account book; R. C. P. 2000/118a. Interest alone can not account for the difference in the figures and it could be that many of the payments recorded in Hooke's diary but missing in the College treasurer's book were added to the bond by the executors. 

After this revelation the inscription on the theatre reading `Omnis Cutleri Cadet Labor Amphiteatro', was removed by the physicians. 

Matthew Walker

http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14136/1/516566.pdf

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On the first floor of the public rooms was a gallery panelled in Spanish oak, paid for by Baldwin Hamey. Rearranged and cut down the panelling was moved to the new building in Pall Mall in 1825, this panelled room has again been reconstructed in the new Modernist Royal College of Physicians building designed by Dennis Lasdun and put up in Regents Park in 1964.

The last four paragraphs lifted from Robert Walker's Thesis - http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14136/1/516566.pdf

which talks at length on the subject and should be consulted by anyone interested in the subject.

Now called The Censors Room's it's oak fluted, pilaster panelling was probably designed by architect Robert Hooke and built by London wood carver Thomas Young in 1675. Wealthy physician and censor Dr Baldwin Hamey (1600–1676) purchased the panelling to line the dining room of Hooke's new purpose-built College in Warwick Lane. Hamey's eulogy in the RCP annals notes: 'He completed at his own expense the whole seelinge work of our dining room, so ornately, so elaborately constructed’. The word 'seelinge' (ceiling) was then used to refer to any cladding of a wall for draught proofing.

The panelling was removed from the Warwick lane building before the move to Pall Mall (Country Life March 1953 - Gordon Nares).

For Denys Lasdun's building see - 

http://idea-edu.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/IDEA-journal-2012_Full.pdf#page=41

The excerpt below quotes from this article -

Photographs of the room reveal that in the move from Warwick Lane, the panelling had been

ruthlessly cut down and the seven bays length reduced to three. Only one of the fireplaces

remained and changes to the windows, dictated by the neo-Hellenic façade, meant the openings

were now square rather than arched. Reflecting changes in society the room was no longer a

thoroughfare. 47 It could be entered through one of three doors: from the grand staircase, from the

library or through a side door which lead to the back stairs, presumably for the discreet movement

of servants and possibly for failed candidates. The height of the panelling resisted change, but the

room that the panels now lined was more of a sombre and private study rather than a Great Hall

or long gallery. While still the backdrop for the viva voce, on successfully passing the exam, a new

fellow would go through the door to the far greater double-height space of the library with all its

promise of knowledge and fellowship. This was a journey that Lasdun further dramatised with a

symbolic ascension up the grand staircase to the library 

Examinations in the Long Room engraved by Thomas Buck after Rowlandson and Pugin 1808.
Bust of Hamey by Peirce over the door and the busts of Hervey Sydenham and Meade on brackets on the wall.

For the Bust of Baldwin Hamey see my next blog entry.

Baldwin Hamey's bust shown in position in the previous RCP in Pall Mall in 1912.
with the bust of Sydenham.

The new building had a central court yard flanked by two wings built and paid for in 1670 to 1676 by Sir George Ent R.S.(1604 - 89) providing accommodation for a fellow, the Bedell and the College Chemist, other accommodation was available to let providing a useful source of income.

There appears to be some argument in the past as to who was the architect and for many years it was believed to be Christopher Wren, but at least the Octagonal Gatehouse, with its first floor theatre were designed by the polymath Sir Robert Hooke, secretary of the Royal Society and paid for in 1674 by Sir John Cutler (see illustrations below).

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Initially there was no provision for a library but in 1680 the fellows were informed that they would br receiving the magnificent collection of books of the Marquis of Dorchester and Christopher Wren was asked to design the space to accommodate them.

The College was also notable in having very early sash windows, an invention with which Hooke is sometimes credited. Hentie Louw's research on the origin of the sash has revealed that the windows on the ground floor of the College were amongst the first installed in England.

Evidence of Hooke's involvement in the installation of the sashes comes from his diary where he records that he had asked the carpenter Thomas Fitch to make `rowlers' for the College windows; 10 April 1673; Diary: 38.    -   Louw, 1983: 65. See also Inwood, 2002: 132-133. 

see - The Royal College of Physicians and Its Collections: An Illustrated History

edited by Geoffrey Davenport, Ian McDonald, Caroline Moss-Gibbons, 2001.

some of it available on google books.

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Described by the poet and Doctor Samuel Garth M.D. (FRS 1661 - 1719).

Referring to Newgate Prison on the RCP.

"Not far from that most celebrated place

      Where angry Justice shows her awful face,

  Where little villains must submit to fate,

         That great ones may enjoy the world in state,

     There stands a dome, majestic to the sight,

      And sumptuous arches bear its oval height;

        A golden globe, plac'd high with artful skill,

     Seems to the distant sight—a gilded pill."

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For a late Victorian view of the area around Warwick Lane see -

see - http://www.british-history.ac.uk/old-new-london/vol2/pp427-441


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Hooke's Royal College of Physicians.
The Seventeenth Century.

The Diary of Dr Robert Hooke.

From M. I. Batten, 'Architecture of Dr. Robert Hooke F.R.S., Walpole Society (London) 25, pp 89-90 (1936-7).

The entries in the Diary relating to the College of Physicians occur on almost every page from the opening in August 1672 till March 1678, when they become rarer as the work draws to a close. It is only possible to give a few of them.

1672. December 2nd. Gave Dr. Whistler estimate of physitians theatre.

1673. April 13th. Drew front of two lower storys of theatre. April 14th. Coffin began theatre. December 5th. with Mr. Story measuring at the Physitians College the Stonework.

1674.  May 1st. Drew Designe for the Theater, May 26th. To Physitians College. They resolved Theater backwards. June 16th. At Sir J. Cutlers. Spoke to him. He resolved Theater before. July 20th, Set out Theatre at Colledge. August 7th. Propounded open theater. Agreed to. Sir Ch. Scarborough pleasd. September 5th. Past Smiths bill at the colledge, September 19th. At Colledge. Lem doing things contrary to order. Orderd glasing stopping, Whiting, hanging doors, putting on locks etc. December 4th. To Colledge past glasiers bill. December 21st. Gave draught to Hammond of Colledge Gate. December 23rd. Mrs. Hondius Demands money for Pictures. £20 account for Chimny Dining and £50 for the other chimny - unreasonable.

1675. January 12th. Agreeing with Story and Hammond for £210 for Colledge gate. February 19th. I had order from Sir G. Ent, Sir Ch. Scarborough, Dr. Whistler, and Allein to bespeak Dr. Harvey’s head of Pierce, as also about the King's statue and Sir J. Cutler spoke about Painter. Past J. Lems bill about labourers which Mr. Jenkins affirmed to be just and true to his knowledge.

1676. April 14th. agreed with John Hayward for £140 for Roof of the Theater and sent him to Sir J. Cutler. May 5th. Deliverd Lems and Glasiers hill to Dr. Cox. September 22nd. At Theatre, Directed seates. November 6th At Physitians colledg auditing Groves and Talbots bills.

1677. January 13th. Bird told me Sir J. Cutler had paid him for Ball.1 February 27th. Saw Colledg ball up. April 13th Colledge order made for finishing the building on each side of the Theater. June 9th. Grove signed contract for plaistering the theater. August 8th. Directed Talbot about pipes and gutters.

1678.  December 9th. directed Hayward about Theater Spire windows.

1679.  March 8th.  Heard Dr. Charltons Lecture at Physicians Colledge.

The Cash Books and Annals of the Royal College of Physicians prove the truth of the Diary. Hooke's name occurs frequently. Wren's is mentioned only once, in 1674, when he in company with several distinguished physicians were invited to inspect the buildings. Dr. Gunther gives relevant extracts from these documents in Early Science in Oxford, vol. vii, pp. vii and viii. The first entry occurs as early as December 1670 and shows that the houses round the court­yard were built first. The foundations for these were laid on March 12th, 1671.

http://www.roberthooke.org.uk/batten3.htm

for a useful introduction to Hooke see - http://www.roberthooke.org.uk/

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The next two images from -

Architecture, Anatomy, and the New Science in Early Modern London: Robert Hooke’s College of Physicians.

Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 

Vol. 72 No. 4, December 2013; (pp. 475-502) DOI: 10.1525/jsah.2013.72.4.475

by Matthew Walker
see -

http://jsah.ucpress.edu/content/72/4/475.figures-only

Robert Hooke, preliminary design for the College of Physicians, ca. 1671 (British Library, Additional MS 5238, fol. 57; copyright British Library Board).

Frontispiece from Walter Charleton, New Enquiries into Human Nature in VI. Anatomic Prælections in the New Theatre of the Royal Colledge of Physicians in London (London: Robert Boulter, 1680; reproduced with permission of Edinburgh University Library, Special Collections Department).

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The Royal College of Physicians.
Inner Court.

David Loggan.
Engraving.
222 x 309 mm.
The niche not yet occupied by Quellin's statue of Charles II.

1677.

British Museum.



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Royal College of Physicians.

Engraving.

Dated 1677.

David Loggan.

Wellcome Collection.

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The Royal Colledge of Phisitians, London.

Undated coloured engraving.
Early 18th Century?
13.2 x 19.8 cms.
Wellcome Collection.


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Entrance Royal College of Physicians.

Included here because of the Trompe L'oeil Framing.
French
Engraving
12.6 x 10.1 cms.
1707?

Plate to: James Beeverell, Delices de la Grand Bretagne, 1727

Info and image courtesy Wellcome Collection.
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Royal Colllege of Physicians.

Invitation to attend.
Anonymous engraving.
202 x 162 mm
1721/22
Image Courtesy British Museum.

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College of Physicians.

Gateway.

Royal College of Physicians.

The Gates might be fanciful!

1721
Poor lo res image courtesy Collage.

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Royal College of Physicians.

Engraving.

Published by John Bowles.

174 x 220mm.

1723 - 24.

Image courtesy British Museum.




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William Stukely.

Water Colour.

c. 1725.

Bodleian Library.

.........................................................

Royal College of Physicians.

John Harris.

 after William Stukely.

Engraving.

205 x 243 mm.

dated 1725.

British Museum.

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Royal College of Physicians.

 James Mynde.

engraving.

229 x 182 mm.

Mid 18th Century.

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Royal College of Physicians.

George Bickham.

engraving.

Image size 167 x 307 mm.

9 July 1746.

Image courtesy British Museum.

The Royal College of Physicians.

Engraving.

8.3 x 13.9 cms.

James Taylor.

After Samuel Wale. 

1761.

Wellcome Collection.

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View of the exterior of Surgeons Hall, and the courtyard of the Royal College of Physicians; 

each in separate beaded frames.

 

Illustration to Chamberlain's 'New and Compleat History and Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster'. 

1770.

275 x 188mm.

British Museum.

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Interior of the Royal College of Physicians.

Probably not very accurate but worth including for the details.
Watercolour.
19 x 29.7 cms.

for the engraving - A fight between the Fellows of the Royal College of Physicians and the licentiates of Scotland in 1767.

The Siege of Warwick Castle

113 x 185 mm.

British Museum.

Description and comment from F. G. Stevens "Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires in the British Museum", Vol. IV, 1883.)

The partisans of the House of Stuart denied to the kings of the House of Hanover the power to cure the 'King's Evil', which was claimed for the former family; it was said that Queen Anne, being a Stuart, was the last who successfully 'touched' for the 'Evil'; the power to do this was considered of importance because it was believed by many to be a divine gift, inherent only in the rightful line of monarchs. 

The speech "St Georges Composing Pills prepared by Dr Gillam" refers to the disturbance in St. George's Fields, Southwark, May 10, 1768, see "The Scotch Victory. A" No. 4196; "Dr. Gillam" was Justice Gillam, who is said to have caused the soldiers to fire at the people on this occasion; see "Midas", No. 4201, and "The Pillars of the State", No. 4235.

An impression from this plate faces p. 52 of "The Oxford Magazine", i 1768 (P. P. 6115), and is accompanied by the following:--"A Description of the Copper-Plate, entitled, the Siege of Warwick Castle. A Certain number of fellows of the college, properly delineated, with large wigs, and Death as their president. A certain number of licentiates, with Folly as their leader. The combatants, with proper ammunition, and arms, such as lancets for swords, syringes for guns, pestles, &c. the licentiates are distinguished as Scotsmen, that country havign furnished England with the greatest part of them. 

The other particulars require no explanation."See "The March of the Medical Militants", No. 4174, for the history of this subject.The following, from "The Gentleman's Magazine", 1767, p. 476, illustrates this satire:--"Wednesday 23 (Sept. 1767). The fellows &c. of the College of physicians, had a meeting and a dinner at their college in Warwick-lane; and in the afternoon a great number of gentlemen, licentiates of the college (between whom and the fellows there has been a strong dispute) went to the college, and not being admitted, forced the gates, and then with the assistance of a smith forced the door of the college, and rushed in upon the fellows; some of the gentlemen broke several of the windows to pieces with their canes, which caused great confusion; but after some time they broke up without further violence". 

The same volume, p. 494, contains an account "of the late Attack" &c. Again, in the same magazine, 1771, p. 283, is the following:--"June 6. 

A further hearing of the Licentiates and College of Physicians came on before the Judges of the King's Bench, when, after a long argument by the Counsel, and a very learned speech from Lord Mansfield, it was given in favour of the College".

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The Reward of Cruelty from the Four Stages of Cruelty.

William Hogarth.

1751.

An anatomy theatre where Nero's body is being dissected; on either side are skeletons labelled "Gentn: Harry" and "Macleane" after two recently hanged criminals.

Hogarth is depicting the Cutlerian Theatre at The Royal College of Physicians

Engraving.

377 x 318 mm.

British Museum.



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Locating the Royal College of Physicians.

Showing also the site of Newgate Meat Market and the Oxford Arms and 43 the Bell Inn.

Warwick Lane.

In the Ward of Faringdon Within,

 

City of London.

1720
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Roque's Map of London.

1746.

Warwick Lane and Newgate Market.

This map shows the garden behind the Royal College of Physicians.

This plan was published in Strype's first annotated edition of Stow's 'Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster'. The plan's title features in cartouche at top left, with compass star and scale bar near bottom left. The keys to streets, yards, halls, courts and private properties appear in tables down both sides of the plate.

St Paul's Cathedral and other prominent buildings are shown pictorially. Farringdon Ward was divided into Farringdon Within and Farringdon Without in 1394 because "the governance thereof is too laborious and grievous for one person to occupy and duly govern the same".

This plan was published in Strype's first annotated edition of Stow's 'Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster'. The plan's title features in cartouche at top left, with compass star and scale bar near bottom left. The keys to streets, yards, halls, courts and private properties appear in tables down both sides of the plate.

St Paul's Cathedral and other prominent buildings are shown pictorially. Farringdon Ward was divided into Farringdon Within and Farringdon Without in 1394 because "the governance thereof is too laborious and grievous for one person to occupy and duly govern the same".

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Baynards Castle and Faringdon Within Wards.

Map.

Benjamin Cole 1755.


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1794.

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The Royal College of Physicians moved to a much grander new building designed by Smirke at Pall Mall East which was opened on 25 June 1825.

The Warwick Lane building was then occupied by Tylers, Braziers and Brass Founders and the Newgate Meat Market.

At some point after the Physicians had relocated the court was covered over and used as a market building, but the statues remained in position as reported in London by Charles Knight, pub 1841 page 27.

The Royal College of Physicians.
Warwick Lane.
Gone!


Ordinance Survey 1886.

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Warwick Lane.

Goad's Insurance Map.

1886.

Anyone who knows this website will appreciate my interest in the topography of London.

This post has been a very good excuse to investigate a small and until now neglected area, of a now vanished London.

The Newgate Butchers Meat Market could not remain within the narrow confines of its original site and in 1852 an Act was passed by Parliament to move it and the Smithfield Meat Market to Copenhagen Fields.


http://www.british-history.ac.uk/old-new-london/vol2/pp491-496

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The Times Newspaper 25 Nov 1868 reported.

The  Newgate Market has been from time immemorial the principal retail meat market—a circumstance which may be attributed to the fact that it has the reputation of being cheaper than all others by 1d. or 2d. in the pound. Now, in modern London, it would be difficult to find any site more inconvenient for such a double trade than that of Newgate Market. The whole business has had to be done within the very limited space of which Paternoster Row, Ivy Lane, Newgate Street and the Old Bailey are the boundaries. Last Christmas week 800 tons of meat were brought to London for the Newgate Market by the Great Eastern, the Great Northern, and the Midland railways. This, and the consignments by all the other lines, had to be conveyed to the market from the railway stations in wagons and vans. These vehicles, and the butchers' carts, completely block up Giltspur Street, Newgate Street, and the Old Bailey on several days in the week, Mondays and Fridays especially."

In 1860 the Corporation obtained an Act for erecting market buildings on the site of Smithfield, and the following year procured another, giving them power to abolish Newgate Market. The Markets Improvement Committee then took the matter in hand, and Mr. Horace Jones, the City architect, prepared a fitting design. Their parliamentary powers enabled the committee to raise a sum of £235,000 for the purchase of property, and £200,000 for the erection of buildings. The Markets Improvement Committee concluded their contract with Messrs. Browne and Robinson for a sum within the estimated amount of £200,000. The chief element of the design was that the basement storey of the market was to be a "through" railway-station, with communication not only from all parts of the country, but also with all the suburban lines.

Old Newgate Market.

Hosmer Shepherd. 

Watercolour.

1856.

British Museum.

The Foundation stone of the new Smithfield Market was laid 5 June 1867.

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Also to disappear was the ancient coaching inns The Oxford Arms and Oxford Arms Passage which had been rebuilt after the great fire in 1676 and the Bell Inn.

Warwick Lane.

Goads Insurance Map.

1886.

Images Courtesy Collage.

https://collage.cityoflondon.gov.uk/home?WINID=1532336055904

This is a very good and useful website for finding historic images of London.

But don't expect high resolution.

This behaviour is a particular bugbear of mine - someone in the past believing that they could monetise the holdings of an archive, by posting low resolution images and hoping that people will pay for an high resolution image. The taxpayer has already paid for the archiving - saving the digital image on a database is imperative in order keep the original version intact. Making high resolution images available online for any purpose to my mind, should be made obligatory.

I use software called Faststone for very quickly lifting photographs from my screen but unfortunately it slightly looses resolution in the process. Alternatively Control Print screen which puts the image on your computer and works well but the images will need to be pasted in another software program for post production eg Corel Draw but this takes more time.


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The Royal College of Physicians Building in the 19th Century.

Some Illustrations.

The Royal College of Physicians.

J. Storer.

Engraving after J Whicheloe.
18.3 x 12.9 cms.
1804.
From Walks Through London, Hughson 1817.

Image Courtesy Wellcome Collection.

Soane office, Royal Academy Lecture Drawings of the work of Sir Christopher Wren, LONDON: College of Physicians, Warwick Lane, Elevation.

© Sir John Soane's Museum.

Soane office, Royal Academy Lecture Drawings of the work of Sir Christopher Wren, LONDON: College of Physicians, Warwick Lane, Perspective of the courtyard.
With the statue of Charles II.

Soane Museum.

© Sir John Soane's Museum.

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Royal College of Physicians.


Engraving 10.3 x 7.1 cms.

Drawn and engraved by S Tyrrell.

Pub. Nov. 1812.

Image courtesy the Wellcome Collection.


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Floor Plan of the Royal College of Physicians
dated 1814.
Useful that it records the sale of the rear garden 15 June 1770 for the use of Newgate Prison

Image courtesy RIBA

https://www.architecture.com/image-library/RIBApix/licensed-image/poster/royal-college-of-physicians-warwick-lane-city-of-london-ground-floor-plan/posterid/RIBA37068.html

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The Royal College of Physicians.
British Library.
1826.

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Showing the Statue of Charles II


_________________________________

The Old Royal College of Physicians.
Warwick Lane

Note the addition of the sign in the pediment above the door for Tylers
Thomas Hosmer Shepherd (1793 - 1864).
Engraving 10.8 x 6.7cms.
Plate to London and its Environs in the 19th Century.
1829 - 31

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The Old Royal College of Physicians.
Wood engraving.
9.9 x 8.2 cms.
Dated 1841.

Very interesting engraving showing the Tyler sign in the Pediment of the Doorway of the RCP.

The entrance to the Bell Coaching Inn and the encroachment of the meat industry onto Warwick Lane.


________________________________

1862.

Image Courtesy Wellcome Collection.

The Old Royal College of Physicians.
Warwick Lane Front.

Illustrated London News.

Wood engraving.
5 May 1866.

Image Courtesy The Wellcome Collection.

Image from Leisure Hour 2 March 1867.

About to be demolished.

Image from above from Look and Learn website.

Royal College of Physicians.

Warwick Lane Front.

Undated mid 19th Century photographs - pre 1867.

Images courtesy. 

https://oxfordarthist.wordpress.com/2015/03/

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The Old Royal College of Physicians.

A last look before being swept away.

The Niche which once held the statue of Charles I already half demolished.

signed G.F.B.

about 1867.

Image courtesy The Wellcome Collection.

I should make the point here that this post would not have been possible without on line access to the wonderful images in the Wellcome Collection.

See - https://wellcomecollection.org/

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For much more on Robert Hooke see -

http://www.roberthooke.org.uk/batten2.htm


https://www.cityoflondon.gov.uk/things-to-do/london-metropolitan-archives/news-events/Pages/robert-hooke-diary-unesco-register.aspx


https://search.lma.gov.uk/scripts/mwimain.dll/144/LMA_OPAC/web_detail/REFD+CLC~2F495~2FMS01758?SESSIONSEARCH&utm_source=lma&utm_medium=website&utm_content=robert-hooke&utm_campaign=news#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=10&z=0.0987%2C1.0433%2C0.6279%2C0.4751

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Dr Matthew Walker has written extensively on Hooke.

see http://rsnr.royalsocietypublishing.org/content/65/2/121